By Paul G. Kengor
Question: How is Benghazi different from Watergate and
Iran-Contra? The obvious answer: the media. Liberal journalists
turned Watergate and Iran-Contra into gigantic national scandals by
their consistent, relentless pursuit of both stories; to the
contrary, they are consistently, relentlessly ignoring
Benghazi.
The media's treatment of Watergate needs no explanation here. The press detested Richard Nixon unlike any modern president. Sure, the liberal media went after George W. Bush, but nothing like the way it attacked Richard Nixon. Liberals' hatred of Nixon was pathological. It dated to Nixon's work in exposing Alger Hiss. As Nixon would say at the end of his life, the Hiss-Chambers trial forever forged a legion of unwavering Nixon enemies on the left. I'm not saying that Richard Nixon was an angel, but if you want to understand Watergate, you need to understand the hatred of Nixon by the liberal media.
The media's treatment of Watergate needs no explanation here. The press detested Richard Nixon unlike any modern president. Sure, the liberal media went after George W. Bush, but nothing like the way it attacked Richard Nixon. Liberals' hatred of Nixon was pathological. It dated to Nixon's work in exposing Alger Hiss. As Nixon would say at the end of his life, the Hiss-Chambers trial forever forged a legion of unwavering Nixon enemies on the left. I'm not saying that Richard Nixon was an angel, but if you want to understand Watergate, you need to understand the hatred of Nixon by the liberal media.
The media's feelings about Ronald Reagan were not quite the
same, but nasty nonetheless. Liberal journalists demonized Reagan,
calling him everything from an idiot to a nuclear warmonger. They
caricatured Reagan as a dawdling old fool who wanted to blow up the
world and who disliked the homeless, the poor, minorities, and on
and on. They blamed Ragan for everything from greed to AIDS. And
they searched diligently for a Watergate-like scandal to run Reagan
out of the White House, as they had Nixon.
The operative words are "searched diligently." CBS, NBC, ABC,
the New York Times, the Washington Post, NPR, and
the usual suspects looked everywhere for something -- gee, anything
-- to hurt Reagan. Being political partisans first and journalists
second, they dug furiously for their Watergate. And they thought
they had it in Iran-Contra.
It's fascinating, however, to see how the Reagan team
immediately reacted to the Iran-Contra allegations. The president
and his attorney general wanted prompt and full disclosure. As soon
as Attorney General Ed Meese learned of the situation, he brought
it to President Reagan, and they together publicly disclosed the
details to a hysterical media on November 25, 1986. They wanted to
come clean immediately, to avoid even the slightest whiff of a
cover up.
The media, however, was ferocious in its lack of charity and
understanding, and ditto for its party, the Democrats, which ran
Congress. In mere weeks, Lawrence Walsh, a former federal judge,
was appointed Independent Counsel to determine whether the deal was
illegal and which individuals should be prosecuted. For the press,
the big question was the president's personal knowledge and
involvement: What did Reagan know?
The media wanted Ronald Reagan in handcuffs, and was relishing
the prospect of prison terms for a whole host of Reagan officials
-- Cap Weinberger, Bud McFarlane, John Poindexter, Ollie North, to
name just a few. They wanted blood. There was no way they were
going to miss a Watergate opportunity for the Gipper.
Congressional Democrats scheduled dramatic hearings, broadcast
all day long by the networks. The nation was riveted, especially by
the sight of NSC figures like Col. North, testifying in his Marine
uniform, and Admiral Poindexter, speaking slowly to glaring
interrogators in between pauses to puff his pipe and to listen to
whispers from his attorney Brendan Sullivan. The evening news
broadcasts provided wall-to-wall coverage.
It was relentless. Bill Clark, one of Reagan's closest aides in
taking down the USSR, who by this time had returned to his ranch in
California, told me about a trip he made to Washington that
December 1986, after Iran-Contra broke. He was there for a ceremony
honoring his previous work as secretary of the interior. Reporters
didn't give a damn about Clark's work at interior. They came and
hounded him about Iran-Contra. Wherever the president and his men
went, they were tailed and peppered by aggressive reporters who
ensured a constant stream of questions about Iran-Contra. It was
unceasing -- the complete opposite of what we're seeing now with
Obama and crew over Benghazi.
And think of how history would have been different if the media
had run Reagan out of office: No Berlin Wall speech, no Washington
or Moscow Summit, no INF Treaty, and surely no collapse of
communism in 1989. Michael Dukakis would have probably won the
presidency in 1988.
Here's the big picture:
The way the Reagan team reacted to initial reports on
Iran-Contra is precisely the opposite of how the Obama team has
responded. But even more telling are the opposite media reactions.
For Iran-Contra, the media refused to be satisfied with the initial
response of Meese and Reagan. Liberal reporters went absolutely
bonkers, all hands on deck, a full-court press to find
incriminating information. Today, under Obama, it's the exact
opposite.
What we're witnessing right now is how the media's liberal bias
truly works. Liberal journalists can be like men and women
possessed when a Republican is in the Oval Office, but for a
liberal Democrat, they are as compliant as lambs. Being political
partisans first and journalists second, they are now silently
complicit when faced with Obama's scandal, one potentially more
disturbing than Watergate and Iran-Contra combined. After all,
Americans died in Benghazi.
For liberals in the media, however, corpses in Libya get in the
way of their primary duty: getting Barack Obama reelected.
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