By Philip F. Lawler
The 2012 elections were a decisive defeat for the culture of life.
But this defeat did not “just happen” on November 6. It was the result
of a long trend. If we don’t take action now to reverse that trend, we can expect even more disastrous defeats in 2014, 2016, and beyond.
The re-election of President Obama—who did his utmost to make
unrestricted legal abortion a major campaign issue—is only the most
obvious of the losses the pro-family movement suffered. In four
different states, voters chose to move toward legal recognition of
same-sex marriage. Up until this week, when American voters
had the opportunity to weigh similar proposals, the results had been 32
victories for traditional marriage, 0 for a change. Now that
perfect record has been broken; the momentum has shifted. In
Massachusetts, the electorate only just barely defeated a bid to
legalize assisted suicide, and the slim margin of victory for life is
probably attributable to the fact that the legislation was very poorly
crafted; advocates of suicide will surely try again soon.
In Missouri and Indiana—states with strong pro-life leanings—Senate
candidates were savaged for making ill-phrased remarks about abortion in
extreme cases, and ultimately went down in defeat.
Yes we lost, and lost badly. Liberal commentators have been quick to
conclude that the pro-life/pro-family cause was a burden that Republican
candidates could not carry. Dan Gilgorff of CNN proclaimed happily that “Tuesday’s election results seemed to mark a dramatic rejection of the Christian right’s agenda…”
Not so fast. Was the agenda of the “Christian right”—the culture of life—ever really presented
to the American public to be accepted or rejected? Certainly Barack
Obama rallied his hard-left supporters by depicting the pro-family
movement as a threat. But was there any corresponding effort by Mitt
Romney and his Republican supporters to make the case of the pro-family
cause?
Sure, Romney did occasionally claim the pro-life mantle—when he was
speaking to a friendly audience. But he admitted that he had no plans to
change the status quo (which allows for abortion on demand), and he
never argued the case for pro-life policies. His running-mate Paul Ryan
began to make that case during a televised debate with Vice President
Joe Biden, but stopped short of making the natural-law argument in defense of human life, and failed to to show the true appeal of the pro-life cause.
So the Obama-Biden campaign scored a tactical victory by successfully
portraying pro-lifers as extremists. This was an astonishing coup. Poll
after poll shows that most Americans do not support unrestricted
legal abortion on demand, and would support modest efforts to protect
unborn children and their mothers. Yet the Republicans, who quietly
support such modest measures, are perceived as the extremists, while the
Democrats, who insist on protecting and even subsidizing abortion in
every possible circumstance, have successfully presented themselves to
the American people as the “moderates” in this debate!
How is this possible? How can it be that after nearly 40 years of
energetic effort, the pro-life movement has failed to persuade the
American public of the justice of our cause? My college tennis coach had
a favorite maxim: “Never change a winning game. Always change a losing game.”
There’s an old adage in politics: “You can’t beat somebody with
nobody.” Or as a grizzled campaign veteran once put it in a
conversation, “You can’t make bear soup without a bear.” That compelling
logic applies to political causes as well as political candidates. If
only one side of the debate is heard, that side wins.
Forty years later I still find his logic compelling.
Back in the 1980s, pro-life campaigners could safely state their
opposition to legal abortion and assume that a majority of constituents
would agree with them. No longer. The climate of American public opinion
has changed; acceptance of legal abortion has spread. What was
self-evident in 1776 and in 1976 is not evident to most Americans today.
The voters need to be persuaded; the natural-law argument needs to be
made.
Unfortunately, at precisely the time when we should have been
emphasizing that natural-law argument, many pro-life activists adopted a
very different strategy. Rather than urging political candidates to
make the arguments forcefully, pro-lifers began embracing candidates who
downplayed the abortion issue, hoping to avoid debates. Sometimes the
strategy was successful, and the candidates won. But over time, because
the pro-life cause was not actively presented, the terms of the debate
shifted toward acceptance of legal abortion. Soon we were being asked to
accept candidates who were unwilling to endorse any pro-life
legislation, simply because they were less objectionable than their
rabidly pro-abortion opponents.
Many candidates who won pro-life endorsements because they seemed
friendly to the cause have proved unreliable. Quite a few politicians
who were elected with the enthusiastic support of the pro-life movement
failed to deliver on their campaign promises. Some have openly deserted
the case and joined the swelling ranks of the “pro-choice” crowd. There
has been precious little movement in the opposite direction; the
political current flows only one way.
For years the pro-life movement has tried to win elections without
winning hearts and minds. We have been willing to compromise our
fundamental principles in the quest for a temporary political advantage.
Now we are left with neither. It’s time—past time—for a change in our
approach.
In the argument above I have concentrated on the abortion issue,
because it has been the focus of so much attention since 1973. But the
same arguments could be made about issues such as same-sex marriage,
embryonic stem-cell research, gays in the military, euthanasia, and
religious liberty. On every front, the pro-life/pro-family movement has
been yielding ground. On every issue, Republican political campaigners
have, as a rule, been loath to take a stand, anxious to avoid a
confrontation, during general elections.
In his stump speeches Mitt Romney pounded relentlessly on the theme
that his policies would help create more jobs. This was unquestionably
an important issue in a time of economic distress. But keep in mind that
President Obama, too, claimed that he would create new jobs. Obama’s
argument was implausible, but the point is that some voters accepted it.
The main thrust of Romney’s message was persuasive only to those voters
who accepted the Republican narrative regarding job creation. Meanwhile
the unhealthy trend that affects every American household just as
surely as job losses and economic recession—the decline of healthy
family life—was nearly ignored in this presidential race.
Our economic problems may seem more pressing today, but the questions
of family life—of what sort of society we choose to be—have far more
long-term impact. Writing for National Review, Mark Steyn made the point:
If this is the way America wants to go off the cliff, so be it. But I wish we’d at least had a Big Picture election. The motto of the British SAS is “Who dares wins.” The Republicans chose a different path. A play-it-safe don’t-frighten-the-horses strategy may have had a certain logic, but it’s unworthy of the times.
But before we pin all the blame for our current troubles on shy
Republican candidates, let’s be honest enough to look at things from
their perspective. They feared that if they made the cause of life a
major theme of their campaigns, they would lose. Alas, Tuesday’s results
suggest that they might be right. We aren’t ready to win these
arguments; we haven’t persuaded the American public. That’s why unless
something changes—unless we adopt a different approach, and start
quickly down a new route—we’ll lose again in 2014.
In a short but incisive analysis for World magazine,
the Evangelical scholar Marvin Olasky argues that our losses in 2012
were the fruit of 50 years’ worth of mistaken strategic decisions.
Christians allowed liberal secularists to gain control of academic life,
and indoctrinate the rising generations. We acceded to no-fault
divorce, and the subsequent breakdown of families. We allowed ourselves
to be caught up in the details of political contests, when we should
have been noticing the adverse long-term cultural trends. We accepted
noisy talk-show hosts as our main sources of information, when we should
have been developing our own means of communication. Now after a full
generation of political activism, the “Christian right” is worse off
than when it first appeared on the American political scene.
Mitt Romney worried aloud about the growing number of Americans who
now rely on government largesse. But there are far more disturbing
trends in American society: the percentage of children born out of
wedlock (a stunning 41%, and rising!),
the number of marriages that end in divorce; the number of pregnancies
ended in abortion; the number of young people living together without
benefit of marriage; the number of families that never go to church. We
aren’t just losing elections. We’re losing a way of life.
Look at the exit polls from Tuesday’s elections. The voters who
attend church services regularly, the voters who live in intact
families: these constituencies are still strongly supportive of the
“culture of life.” We have been trying, for far too long, to use
political methods to change cultural trends. It’s time to turn that
approach around completely. If we can reverse the deadly trends in
American social life, political success will naturally follow.
Twelve years ago, after my own unsuccessful campaign for elected
office, I wrote: “My excursion into secular politics leaves me more
convinced than ever that we cannot expect reform in society at large
until we achieve reform within our Church.” To revitalize our country we
must revitalize our culture. And to revitalize our culture we must
revitalize our faith.
How appropriate, then, that Pope Benedict XVI has proclaimed this a Year of Faith! At his public audience on November 7—coincidentally,
the day after the American elections—the Pope said that Christians must
help their secularized neighbors to recognize the “mysterious desire
for God” that is an innate aspect of human nature. We must, he said,
lead our neighbors in “learning or re-learning an authentic taste for
the joys of life.” Every man and woman on earth is predisposed to
religious faith, and to seek contentment in a happy family. If we can
help people to realize these desires—which are pre-programmed in their
nature—we can still recover our culture and our nation.
But how?
First, I suggest, by encouraging marriage. Be civil to unmarried
couples who are living together, but don’t accept their situation as
normal. Encourage married couples who are having tough times to stick
together. Next by education—beginning in our homes and in our
neighborhoods. Eventually we must join the battle to recapture the
schools. Then by active involvement in the public battle of ideas. Since
the mass media are hostile we must establish our own lines of
communication, and the new social media give us ample opportunity. Most
all, by example. Happy households are attractive; our neighbors will
want to know our secrets. (If you are a regular visitor to the CatholicCulture.org web site,
I’m sure you will notice that the path I am recommending is one that we
have been traveling for several years. I encourage you to join the
campaign!)
We cannot and should not expect easy victories. This will be a long,
difficult campaign. Things may get worse before they get better. In
fact, with the renewed mandate of the Obama administration, they
probably will. Cardinal Francis George has made the point in dramatic fashion,
saying that “I expect to die in bed, my successor will die in prison
and his successor will die a martyr in the public square.” We all may be
asked to pay a price for our faith—perhaps not at the cost of our
lives, but at the cost of popularity or professional standing or even
the cost of a job. But courageous witness will not go unrewarded. As
Cardinal George said, in the long run a faithful Church will “pick up
the shards of a ruined society and slowly help rebuild civilization, as
the Church has done so often in human history.” If enough Christians are
willing to pay the price our success is assured.
How can we restore the culture of life in America? It’s simple, really—not easy, but simple: by practicing our faith.
One of these days (then again, maybe not) the American Right will see that the ur-problem is contraception. As long as "conservatism" buys into the contraceptive worldview, it fights a losing battle.
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